The Second Beginning of the American Civilization -- Part 2
Part 2 -- A New America
Outside the White House, a considerable distance to the south, lay a peaceful village silently beholding the horizon on Mount Rushmore. This small settlement had come to resent the horrible experience of being part of a world that failed to make any geographical and cultural sense. All home-schooled and well-educated, the people of Corrinville felt a constant urge to let their basic insticts take over to rid themselves of the overwhelming stimuli from this confusing new land.
But true American values were perhaps best exemplified and, in a sense, preserved in this quiet village. Even though their capital, Washington D.C., had fallen under the influence of New-Age Judaism, these proud Americans still followed Pauline theology. Indeed, it was from Corrinville where three Christian missions originated, and through their effort and subsequent martyrdom, they proselytized in New York and Los Angeles.
That is not to say the Corrinvillians were in any way out of touch with reality. They might have preferred the old America, but they were still willing to remain knowledgeably functional in this society. They remained attentive to the news, especially to the discoveries that were constantly being announced, and took no part in the drama that dominated the TV screen.
In the beginning, President George W. Bush was leading the nation while this frightening incident struck. No one was able to come up with a logical way to explain or even a workable hypothesis to somehow reverse the massively-improbable-geographical-and-cultural-transformation (MIGACT); it felt like it was up to the leaders, at least for the time being, to ensure stability.
But George Bush's administration had failed to cope with the riots that ensued. Within days, the western part of US territories fell to angry mobs, as, for some reason, the entire states of Texas and Vermont, amongst others, were lost in the MIGACT. Led and rallied later by a coalition between Texan politicians and Howard Dean, the rioters equipped themselves with arms looted in Boston and tried to invade Washington D.C.; however, the lack of a map instead led most of them to the city of Bangalore in the alternate-Earth India (which they captured and renamed Baltimore, Vermont). Scattered groups of looters attacked cities throughout the United States, and many of the Senators and Congressmen who had lost their former constituencies became so disenfranchised that many of them participated in the open rebellion and oftentimes headed these marauding armies.
Terrified by what transpired in so short a time, the Bush administration and Cabinet fled the nation with Air Force One, but with most of the radars and navigational centres offline for well over a month, no one could track them down or tell where they ended up. Panic further swept over the rioting nation; news stations struggled to keep themselves online; and corporations hired mercenaries to protect their interests, often proactively. It was, in those several months, a traumatizing era defined almost by warlordism and cutthroat power-struggling.
But a white blinding light had been hovering over the empty White House ever since President Bush took off, even as fighting was taking place on the streets. The aides, government bureaucrats and employees, and members of the press who stayed behind were trapped inside. That light came straight down through the clouds, not from the sun but from a point far beyond the atmosphere, unseen, standing as a gigantic pillar of stillness and stability that resonated with the people's desire for leadership and order. The supernatural event served as a rally point for law-abiding American citizens, and as word spread, the infighting and looting had eventually come to a halt in the North Coast, replaced by peaceful town meetings and plans for a new future.
Though hope began to surface, no one had expected this near-religious fervour that would grasp the nation as the light left the White House. The aides came out not as starved bureaucrats gone mad, but as new-age prophets scantily clad in fur and savage attires, proclaiming the message that the "Cosmic Lord Franklin Dinosaur Roosevelt" should soon return.
The people of Corrinville of course dismissed this insanity, but not only did most of America come to accept this message, they had apparently begun to associate (or confuse) this expectation of a coming saviour with the Second Coming of Jesus.
Such were the gullible minds produced by months of intellectual and moral bankruptcy, thought the Corrinvillians.
But in came Franklin Delano Roosevelt, now sitting numbly in his chair, his hands sashaying around on his new, well-polished oak desk.
His face bore a mystified look, and his glasses seemed thicker than usual. The oval office was now mostly empty, except that in front of him sat Noam Chomsky, rationally explaining to him what he needed to know and more.
"...So whaturr I'm saying-gurr is thattuh we willuh bringurr evidence-surr innuh favorrur of-vuh the following-guh thesissuh, andurr ittuh follows thattuh this new distinctionnur innuh the use-zur of languagerr is, withuh thissuh clarificationnuh, likely to be permenantuh."
"Uh-huh," Roosevelt said.
"Now, as-zuh a conclusionnuh to whattur hadduh beenuh summarized, do you understanduh whaturr I'm saying-guh?" Chomsky remained as calm as ever.
"Yessir, now get tuh the next part. Sirrah."
With a faint sigh, Chomsky decided to scrap the linguistics lesson for now. He picked out a pile of paper from his file and placed it on the desk.
"What is that?" Roosevelt said.
"The Constitution."
"I have it memorized. Congress shall make many a law to establish a war economy. Why?" Roosevelt said in perfect nonchalance.
Chomsky promptly ignored this attempt at humour (so he assumed) and carried on. "This radical, intransigent approach of irresolution that underlies the situation at hand suffices, so it follows, to raise significant doubts as to the further and subsequent applicability of the Constitution; nevertheless, on the assumption that democratic principles shall continue to be held as absolutes, it is necessary to impose a plebiscite in order to place an emphasis on the general and fundamental aspect of complexity within the scope of the theory proposed."
Roosevelt flipped through the pages and nodded listlessly. He said, "So let us be rid of it then. Have they not called me 'Lord Delano'?"
"Dinosaur, of Arkansas." Chomsky corrected him. "On the other hand, it is not within your authority to do so, whether or not the people invest the authority in you."
Roosevelt grinned and said, "But this is all but a dream, and I can do whatever I please in a dream. See? I can make the lights go away." He pointed at the lights and flicked a finger, and lo and behold, the lightbulbs were gone.
Of course, that also had the side-effect of making the room rather dark, and Roosevelt grudgingly wished the lights back.
"Normally, I'd been inclined to say 'Don't be silly', but now, I most certainly object to your uninformed statement. In any event, studies show that it's dangerous to indulge yourself in unhealthy fantasies," Chomsky said in one breath, having been interrupted just now, and seemed to be fuming a little.
Roosevelt, however, felt enlightened by what he just said. It was not that he knew for sure this was a dream, for it was surely not a dream he was trapped in, but having been told how much opposition his legacy had faced in the U.S. at the turn of the century, Roosevelt felt a little unacknowledged for all he had done, and the fact that he now seemed to have control over more than his own functional body parts stirred his ambitions quite a bit.
Why not create a New America? I will create a New America, he thought, without the interference of Mackenzie King and his crystal-ball spirits. As thoughts surfaced and sank, he found it increasingly difficult to contain himself, and all the rambling Chomsky was doing seemed no more than a trivial distraction. Roosevelt rose to his feet abruptly, and said resolutely.
"Let the Revolution begin."
"But Mr. Pesident, you--"
"Dismissed." Roosevelt waved his arm defiantly, instantly disintegrating Chomsky into space dust, which he proceeded to blow away out of the window.
"Let the Revolution begin." Roosevelt smiled, and it was an expression of utter confidence. "For a New America."


